[W]e must redefine the traditional disciplinary approach to visual images and the ways we understand and investigate global politics by also appreciating the complexity of the politics of representation itself. This... is mostly about an understanding of the ideological difference between a statement (text) and an image (representation), since they are produced and consumed through different symbolic systems. Therefore, they need to be approached and understood differently.
The process of land privatization and individualization of tenure in Kenya’s Maasai rangelands was anticipated to confer significant powers over land to individual landowners. However, […] what appears to be a genuine social and environmental achievement is in reality a case of land dispossession from within which has the potential to trigger violent reactions. Wildlife conservancies established on such unresolved land injustices could thus be resting on thin ice.
Today this orthodox darling of connoisseurs… is fatally sick, with problems [that] have not only dislocated thousands of tea workers but also brought about very visible social and political tensions in the region. The decay of Darjeeling tea cultivation is a classic case of mulching to death by estate owners, governments, and trade unions.
Those who had hoped that the facts generated from the trial proceedings at either the ICTY or domestic war crime chambers would shatter walls of denial have been bitterly betrayed by recent developments. One of the main reasons is that political elites have hardly changed in the successor Yugoslav states, and conflicting territorial claims still persist. [T]oday some of the most influential political figures are the same people who were waging wars during the 1990s.
We need a definition [of authoritarianism] that is substantive and dynamic rather than negative and systemic; that focuses on the sabotage of accountability rather than the quality of elections alone; and that lends itself to assessing political institutions within, below, or beyond the state. Consequently, a practice-oriented definition, rather than a system-oriented definition, is better suited to understanding authoritarianism today, and to answering urgent questions from society about it.
Growing numbers of international tourists visit the San to encounter their culture and lifestyle, and such tourism is expected to contribute to empowerment and the development of local minority communities such as the San. Yet even as they embrace some of the opportunities offered by tourism, the San also seek to maintain their cultural and economic autonomy in order to ensure that they don’t become too dependent on tourism.
"The crowd," observed the 19th century Danish philosopher, Soren Kierkegaard, "is untruth." Nowhere is this seminal observation more correct than in reference to global politics. To be sure, not every human crowd or herd or mass need be insidious or destructive. Still, grievously ongoing crimes of war, crimes against peace, and crimes against humanity could never take place in the absence of such 'favored' collectivities.
Perhaps right-wing populist rhetoric does get one thing right, and it is this: policy frameworks characterized by national sovereignty are entirely unequipped to deal with these migration challenges, which will only continue to worsen. Yet the populist line of thinking that leads to sealing borders, separating families, suspending rights, and denying humanitarian assistance is equally unsustainable...
While music can neither eliminate racist extremism nor overturn increasingly stark racial and ethnic divisions [...] it remains undervalued as a tool for promoting social cohesion across cultures. Music is part of our evolutionary DNA and allows us to communicate beyond the linguistic realm and to build social bonds.
considering that Hong Hong has been relatively starved of Marxist rhetoric and a socialist conscience, who can imagine, in this society with a Gini Coefficient worse than China’s, how Marxist thought might take hold, catch, and fuel a new ideological conflagration of passionate enquiry as it once did for Marx, Mao and Xi Jinping?
At its core, the racial and religious bias against the Muslim minority of Myanmar is a fundamentalist response to the material concerns of an economically vulnerable society in the face of a recent regime change. Less clear, however, is how a supposedly socially stable and economically thriving country such as the US, as well as the many nations of Europe, can justify such explicit and politically sanctioned biases.
What is common to [local people] involved in the TCE project in the Amboseli region is a flexible attitude to tourism. They expected tourism to bring certain benefits, but at the same time, they were aware of the possibility that tourism development can end in failure. For them, in other words, tourism is not a cure-all but a ‘good enough supplement’.
[P]rocedural democracy is not enough, and one hopes that Erdoğan will use his newly acquired powers over judicial and other governmental appointments wisely. More deeply, we can hope that Erdoğan has learned from the Gezi Park experience that a majoritarian approach to governance breeds intense internal conflict and embittered forms of polarization that interfere with the pursuit of his signature goals of economic growth, enhanced regional and international stature, and a cultural appreciation of Muslim values and traditions.
When books become windows, they open our eyes to other worlds, other ways of being. In the latter metaphor literature can help us embody positions different to our own. It can provide access to points of view that are otherwise inaccessible, [...] we start developing cultural literacy; we start becoming literate in the ways of the ‘other’, because we understand that otherness is purely contextual.
[T]he re-scaling of ethics is linked to the politics of knowledge and participation through affective connections. As such, an assumption that the classroom is a neutral space or platform from which global society can be observed seems, to us, untenable. That is, whatever the view is, it is always the view from somewhere. How, then, to design a GS program fit with ethical purpose?
Former Mexico City mayor López Obrador’s program of anti-corruption, increased social services, and greater government accountability reads like a Global South version of Spain’s recent no-confidence vote that ousted neo-liberal Mariano Rajoy in favor of a Socialist-led coalition, and this path may prove the best way to deepen self-determination in the 21st century global order. The landmark victory of López Obrador and the MORENA party coalition... delivered a mandate for a deeply democratic response to globalization.