[T]he re-scaling of ethics is linked to the politics of knowledge and participation through affective connections. As such, an assumption that the classroom is a neutral space or platform from which global society can be observed seems, to us, untenable. That is, whatever the view is, it is always the view from somewhere. How, then, to design a GS program fit with ethical purpose?
Former Mexico City mayor López Obrador’s program of anti-corruption, increased social services, and greater government accountability reads like a Global South version of Spain’s recent no-confidence vote that ousted neo-liberal Mariano Rajoy in favor of a Socialist-led coalition, and this path may prove the best way to deepen self-determination in the 21st century global order. The landmark victory of López Obrador and the MORENA party coalition... delivered a mandate for a deeply democratic response to globalization.
The AKP has been able to remain in power and maintain its populist discourse for 16 years. [….] The problem with protracted versions of populism, as in the case of Turkey, lies not only in the obstacles they create to democratic practices via their homogenizing reason, but also in the long-term effects on diversity and the fabric of society, which ultimately renders even slimmer the prospect of restoring a functioning democracy.
The continent can be seen as an experimental ground for many of the key ideas around nature-based, alternative, and sustainable tourism that have become popular in recent decades. [….] In nearly all cases it is shown that alternative tourism in Africa, whether of the nature-based or cultural/ethnic or community-based variety, can be both empowering and disempowering for locals. These tourism forms can create but also take away opportunities, and while they can help address some of the continent’s challenges, they should not be seen as a panacea for poverty reduction.
Japanese nationalism characteristically takes an ethnic rather than civic emphasis. It is prone to an authoritarian statism. [However,] the Japanese Constitution vindicates an important vision for developmental democracy. Its core principle is the right of living in peace, which is a conjoined expression of respect for basic human rights, permanent pacifism, and national (popular) sovereignty (or autonomy). It points to a democratization of the nation-state as a bridgehead to the construction of global democracy.
Tackling online violent extremist content is rightly an important priority for policy-makers; research has found that the internet plays an important facilitative role in contemporary terrorism. Ensuring that the biggest platforms remove such content as swiftly as possible—or block it altogether—is clearly an essential part of an effective strategy. In pursuit of this objective, however, it is important not to lose sight of the consequential displacement effects. Steps must also be taken to prevent terrorist exploitation of… other dimensions of the social media ecology.
[I]t is right to investigate how populism affects democracy. To do that, however, there must be greater conceptual clarity delineating populist tactics versus popular, provocative or highly personified behavior. Not every populist politician is popular, and more importantly, not every popular politician is a populist.
Over the past couple of years, BRI-linked corridor projects—for example, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in Pakistan […]—have emerged as major sources of tension. India dreads these activities, as they provide China a platform for building a network of naval and military bases labeled a ‘string of pearls’ around the neck of ‘Mother’ India, thereby directly challenging its sphere of influence… All these developments have the potential to make the South Asian region even more unstable.
What can Clodius and the Gracchi brothers teach as about populism in the 21st century? One thing, perhaps. Contrary to what is generally believed, populism is not a bottom-up political movement, the desperate voice of the marginalized masses, the political expression of a final, radical, democratic push by those who for too long have been excluded... Instead, populism is the brainchild of the elite.
Throughout the middle decades of the nineteenth-century, tea producers and retailers bombarded consumers with stories [and] explained how the tea they produced in India, and later Ceylon, was supervised by European managers and thus was modern and free of the types of unhealthy adulterants found in Chinese-grown tea. Consumers learned a particular story about China, and implicitly, about India, that implied that the safe way to consume global goods was to ensure that Europeans had supervised their production, packaging, and trade.
[A]ctivists around the world are appropriating and remixing popular culture to fuel their social movements. […] In numerous ways, superhero blockbusters offer resources for social movements: because they are ordinary; because they can be appropriated and transformed so freely; because they constitute a realm where we might imagine alternatives to current social conditions; because they foster shared desires that may help sustain struggles for social justice... and because they may bridge cultural divides.
Beijing has retreated from its previously tolerant attitude towards Hong Kong’s dissenting voices. At the same time, local conservatives have transformed themselves from Crown loyalists into Chinese nationalists… echoing Beijing’s call for patriotism and political loyalty. They argue that the democrats’ adherence to Western ideas of liberty, as witnessed by their doctrinal demand for ‘genuine universal suffrage’, illustrates only the continuation of their colonized mindset and the hegemony of the West.
[I]n contexts of intense ethical collision, respect-based toleration may help to establish non-hostile social conditions that allow potentially conflicting parties to live peacefully alongside one another. But we must be alert to its limits and dangers. Toleration does not only suspend mutual learning in the ethical domain, it is hostile to it. Peaceful cohabitation slides easily into privatization, insulating ideas of the good life against public discussion and contestation, which are important sites for ethical learning.
The legitimating imprimatur of democracy should be based on something more objective than the language of self-identification—that is, claiming that we are a democracy because we describe our governing arrangements as a democracy, nothing more, nothing less. Instead, we should delineate the particular institutions, values, and practices that identify the distinctive features of democratic forms of governance.
[T]he idea of freedom in supposedly "postcolonial" Hong Kong is still very much colonial and objectified—it is often talked about as something granted by the old master, then inherited or ruined by the new master.... If freedom is really a "universal value," it has to be "re-articulable" for all sorts of people to re-experience, re-imagine, and re-shape their status quos—or else it will be no more than grandiose yet hollow rhetoric.
South Asian strategic thinkers have always sidelined and trampled any attempt to change the traditional contours of security discourse that would bring human aspects to the forefront. This is attributed to the very nature of post-colonial state formation, strategic and military alliances, and territoriality-based diplomatic engagements. All these have oriented national security issues more to external parameters, and ignored internal dynamics. In the process, citizens’ insecurity has often been neglected, sacrificed by the state in the name of larger military security interests.