[T]he idea of freedom in supposedly "postcolonial" Hong Kong is still very much colonial and objectified—it is often talked about as something granted by the old master, then inherited or ruined by the new master.... If freedom is really a "universal value," it has to be "re-articulable" for all sorts of people to re-experience, re-imagine, and re-shape their status quos—or else it will be no more than grandiose yet hollow rhetoric.
South Asian strategic thinkers have always sidelined and trampled any attempt to change the traditional contours of security discourse that would bring human aspects to the forefront. This is attributed to the very nature of post-colonial state formation, strategic and military alliances, and territoriality-based diplomatic engagements. All these have oriented national security issues more to external parameters, and ignored internal dynamics. In the process, citizens’ insecurity has often been neglected, sacrificed by the state in the name of larger military security interests.
Emerging new political movements in Europe and elsewhere are difficult to classify and they seem to be unified only by their antagonism to traditional governments, political parties, and institutions. The comprehensive label “populism” is used more and more, but its meaning is not yet clear. In the series that we launch with this essay, we will try to identify some of the problems that the populist challenge puts on the current agenda.
[H]omeownership in Hong Kong between the 1960s and 1990s had the political effect of channeling people's free conduct along a strategically constructed social path toward attaining life goals. Yet this was grounded in a vulnerable condition of possibility. In the context of rapid economic development... discontent could be compensated by fancying [one's] chance of moving forward on the social ladder and housing path in the future. This condition has disappeared in today's Hong Kong.
There is hardly any dispute that the Mahabharata places a high premium on the concept of non-violence. However, recent scholarship points to a problem: that of reducing the message of the Mahabharata to the axiom Ahimsa Paramo Dharama [‘non-violence is the highest dharma’]. It is possible to suggest that a closer reading may illustrate the epic’s more complicated engagement with the subject of violence and non-violence.
To survive together, which is the only truly durable form of human survival, the fragmented residents of this planet must finally learn to discover an authentic and genuinely stable human existence—above all, one that is detached from all traditionally concocted and ultimately deadly “tribal” distinctions. This demands an altogether fresh awareness of global interdependence and human “oneness” […], that private agony is ultimately more predictive than macro-economics.
People sharing common ideas connect first through informal groups. Such groups of people within any given two societies that are in some form of conflict with each other can arguably become the most effective basis for building peace and fostering conflict reconciliation between the two sides. [...] Using the advantages of IT technologies and social networks in conjunction with the whole set of preventive diplomacy tools could be a very effective way to overcome the isolation of migrant enclaves.
Even as globalization accelerates trans-global and supra-territorial connections, matrices of prejudice and stereotypes about 'the other' from past centuries remain, in old and new forms. This fact is borne out daily in crisis regions where ethnicity, migration, and the history of colonial and imperial adventure have left their legacies, including the Balkans. Various contemporary processes stimulate the appearance of new figures and stereotypes for ‘others’ on local, national, regional, international, and global levels.
Our research suggests that the Myanmar government, together with state-sponsored elites, have successfully manipulated and channelled legitimate Rakhine concerns into hostility towards the Rohingya in an effort to deflect Rakhine resistance against discriminatory government policy…. This exploitation of legitimate grievances coupled with the use of heavy propaganda, agitation and incitement, aimed at deeply indoctrinating perpetrators, paves the way for genocide to occur.
[I]f it seems a particularly dark moment in the realm of explicit politics, the tacit politics of popular culture offer perhaps a more hopeful if contradictory blend. For media globalization has engendered a complex play of integration and differentiation, of dominance and resistance, and of nationalist authoritarianism and post-national solidarities. Popular media are therefore a central resources for imagining the diverse publics of today and tomorrow.
Extractive industries, e.g., copper, gold, oil, and natural gas, have grown rapidly in many developing countries. Historical data on energy production points to especially dramatic increases... This massive production highlights the importance of the non-renewable resource sector to the economic growth of developing resource-rich countries. [...] But there are also downsides and risks associated with this development model.
Iraq holds 143 billion barrels and 8.7 percent of world oil reserves. 45 billion barrels are located in the Kurdistan region. In addition, the Kurdish region has as much oil in reserve as the total reserves of five OPEC members. While opposed rhetorically to separatist views, China, the world's largest oil importer, is trapped between pragmatism and non-interference as regards Kurdistan's independence because of this geostrategic feature of the Kurdish region.
In contrast to conventional understandings of genocide as systematic, planned, and ideologically-driven mass killing, Raphael Lemkin saw it as a complex, multifaceted process which incorporated broad-based cultural and social destruction as an integral aspect, and did not necessarily involve mass killings…. For him, the element of cultural destruction was absolutely central to the overall concept of genocide.
[T]he reactions (by the audience) to a terrorist event are far more important for understanding the consequences of a terrorist attack than the original action… And as the last sixteen years have sadly demonstrated the choices set in motion in the immediate aftermath of the attacks were disastrous for the long run for both the United States and much of the international system.
Problems of global governance push us to re-examine the mechanisms of global governance, as well as to reflect on the question of who is undertaking the task of global governance. To a large extent, global governance depends on what ways and by what principles global issues are managed. How to make global institutions and mechanisms effective and accountable poses a great challenge to researchers.
The revolution in Russia, despite its huge costs and sacrifices, has moved the social and political development of the whole world far ahead—not just the developing countries and former colonies and semi-colonies, but also the developed Western countries… [It] clearly demonstrated the danger to many countries of the liberal elite's separation from the bulk of the population and of a blind belief in the infallibility of the Western capitalist elites.